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The four ways Cuba says Biden can help its people without losing votes

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President Joe Biden can immediately take at least four steps to improve the lives of everyday Cubans without having to rely on Congress or face significant backlash at the ballot, a senior diplomat from the Caribbean island nation told Newsweek.

As the United Nations General Assembly high-level week concluded in New York, Cuban Vice Foreign Minister Carlos Fernández de Cossío Domínguez issued an appeal to the White House on the sidelines of an international gathering that has regularly condemned Washington’s long-running sanctions against Havana with rare unanimity.

But the White House continues to defend its position, one the Biden administration sees as a necessary response to a long record of alleged human rights abuses committed by the Cuban government, which regularly denies such accusations.

“It’s an unfair policy and it’s an unjustified policy, and it’s also a very asymmetric policy,” de Cossío told Newsweek. “It’s the most powerful nation on Earth against a very small country that has no quarrel with any country around the world.”

“In fact, it has very good relations with the rest of the world,” he added. “It only suffers hostility from the United States, and it’s a policy that is rejected by the international community.”

At home, de Cossío said that that the U.S. policy “hurts the livelihood of every Cuban, of the nation as a whole.”

“It hurts their standard of living, their wellbeing, their capacity to provide for their families, their capacity to plan for the future, to have plans and prosperity, to sometimes take care of and ensure healthcare for their families in a country that has a robust and effective health care system but that today is lacking in resources and technology,” he said.

Now, just weeks after Biden boosted ties with Vietnam, another Communist-led country that harbors a far bloodier history with the U.S., de Cossío offered four actions the president could take on his own, arguing that “doesn’t need the permission of Congress to remove some of the most damaging measures put in place by his predecessor.”

The first would be “to correct the mistake of putting Cuba on an arbitrary list of the State Department of countries that sponsor terrorists, something that has tremendous economic impact in Cuba,” de Cossío said.

Cuba was first added to the list in 1982, when it was accused of aiding and abetting left-wing insurgent movements across Latin America. But it was removed in 2015 amid a historic thaw in relations under President Barack Obama, whom Biden served as vice president. Obama’s successor, President Donald Trump, hardened Washington’s policy toward Havana and restored Cuba’s designation in the last week of his administration, putting it alongside Iran, North Korea and Syria.

The move was one of many taken under Trump to reverse the burgeoning U.S.-Cuba detente that occurred late in Obama’s presidency. Although Biden had been supportive of improving ties with Cuba during his tenure as vice president, with his wife, Jill, now the first lady, traveling to Cuba in the final weeks of the Obama administration, he has largely maintained Trump-era policies targeting Havana since taking office.

The second action de Cossío recommended that Biden take would be to “stop a measure taken by the U.S. government of trying to deprive Cuba of supplies of fuel by sanctioning shipping companies that provide fuel to Cuba, or threatening them to be sanctioned.”

Given its lack of robust refining capabilities, Cuba is largely dependent on foreign imports to fully meet the energy demands of its roughly 11 million people. As a result of U.S. sanctions, de Cossío said that Cuba must spend an additional 15 to 25 percent in premiums to secure shipments needed to cover the risk companies feel from potential U.S. retaliation.

The third action De Cossío suggested was for Biden to “stop the policy of going after Cuban medical cooperation around the world.” Such cooperation, which takes place in the form of offering free medical education and training to international students and sending medical brigades to developing nations, has long been a hallmark of Cuba’s foreign policy.

Washington has alleged that the latter practice amounted to a form of modern slavery as medical staff were said to be left unpaid and forced into expeditionary missions, accusations denied by Cuba. The Trump administration called on countries across the globe, including poorer African nations, to reject such cooperation, and de Cossío said the U.S. has continued to raise concerns and even threaten to reduce foreign aid to those who receive Cuban medical assistance.

His fourth and final recommendation was for Biden to “suspend the possibility of courts taking action on demands placed for people that claim property in Cuba against investors.” Such action is codified in Title III of the 1996 Helms-Burton Act, but Trump took the unprecedented move of allowing lawsuits to proceed for those claiming their property was confiscated during the Cuban Revolution that took place nearly 65 years ago.

“Trump was the first one who allowed it, and Biden, with a surprising loyalty, has followed what Trump decided in that moment,” de Cossío said. “It’s in [Biden’s] hands to change that and stop putting such a deterrent effect on people who want to do business with Cuba, not only investors but in the business of buying and selling [various goods].”

With an election looming next year that could potentially see Biden in a rematch with Trump, de Cossío said all four points could be addressed in short order without incurring substantial political risk.

“None of them we believe will cost him votes,” de Cossío said. “And we believe that he has not gained any votes—the ones that he’s concerned about at present—by keeping the policy put in place by the Republican government.”

Domestic politics have nonetheless played an influential factor in the U.S. policy towards Cuba.

A vocal Cuban diaspora community in the U.S. has helped push the formerly contested state of Florida firmly into Republican hands. Among Democrats, Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chair Bob Menendez, himself the son of Cuban immigrants who fled prior to the revolution, has proven to be among the most powerful opponents within Biden’s own party of any easing of restrictions against Cuba.

But with Democrats’ hopes of winning Florida back fading with each election cycle and Menendez’s political future in question as he faces federal charges of allegedly accepting bribes in exchange for advancing Egyptian government interests, an opportunity may emerge for Biden to soften the hardline U.S. policy—should he see fit to do so.

Cautious opportunities for dialogue have emerged over the past year in the form of the resumption of visa and consular services offered by U.S. in Cuba, as well as law enforcement and migration talks held between the two countries. Progress on other more substantive issues, however, remains stalled, even after high-level talks attended by de Cossío himself last month.

Reached for comment, a spokesperson for the White House National Security Council stated that the current the Biden administration’s approach to Cuba was rooted in a number of important factors, including the interests of the Cuban people.

“Protecting the human rights of the Cuban people is at the core of President Biden’s policy toward Cuba,” the NSC spokesperson told Newsweek. “Our approach to Cuba, and any other country, takes into account various current political, economic, and security factors.”

“We continue to look for ways to support the people of Cuba,” the spokesperson added, “while at the same time maintaining restrictions on the Cuban government and its military, intelligence, and security services.”

Could the Mideast nation behind US-Iran deal host Russia-Ukraine talks?

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As the Russia-Ukraine war grinds on with all the makings of a protracted conflict with no end in sight, a senior official from a small yet influential Middle Eastern nation with a growing history of unlikely diplomatic accomplishments told Newsweek that his country was open to mediating talks between Moscow and Kyiv.

“If asked to mediate in the Ukraine conflict, we would of course be ready to work towards facilitating dialogue and achieving peace in Europe,” Mohammed bin Abdulaziz Al Khulaifi, minister of state at the Qatari Foreign Ministry, told Newsweek. “This is desperately needed.”

Al Khulaifi recently played a key role in facilitating a rare agreement between the United States and Iran last month that saw a mutual exchange of prisoners and the release of around $6 billion in frozen Iranian assets. Now, Al Khulaifi said Qatar was hoping for an even more ambitious breakthrough in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, which is already in its 20th month.

“In fact, Qatar supports any and all constructive dialogue and negotiations that could lead to an end of the conflict,” Al Khulaifi said. “As has been our position from the beginning, we continue to call for an immediate cessation of military action in Ukraine.”

“Humanitarian corridors must remain open to allow aid into the country,” he added, “and Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity must be respected within its internationally recognized borders.”

At the same time, Al Khulaifi identified a number of other conflicts beyond Europe in which Qatar has played and continues to play a vital yet often overlooked role.

U.S. and Iran on the Field and at the Table

Qatar has a long history of playing an outsized role in global affairs. While many may readily recognize the tiny Arabian Peninsula-adjacent nation of roughly 2.8 million people straddling Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf as the host of last year’s FIFA World Cup, the first to be held in the Arab world, Qatar has managed to make even bigger strides in the realm of diplomacy.

Hosting the world’s largest sporting event may have offered an opportunity to bring the U.S. and Iran together in a dramatic matchup on the soccer pitch, but, behind the scenes, Qatar was helping to foster indirect talks between the two foes in a capacity that Al Khulaifi said can be “best described as a facilitator, acting in the interest of building trust between the two parties,” as well as “identifying areas of common interest and working towards the peaceful resolution of tensions.”

“Qatar is of course a strategic partner of the United States—relations between our countries have never been stronger,” Al Khulaifi said. “We also maintain constructive ties with Iran in part due to our proximity to the country as neighbors, as well as our shared natural gas field.”

Al Khulaifi said the latest agreement “was the result of more than two years of diplomacy initiated at the request of both sides.” He expressed his pride in Qatar’s role in facilitating it as well as his hope that it “can pave the way for wider discussions on the nuclear issue and other outstanding disagreements.”

And while he noted that both Washington and Tehran have indicated that the exchange was separate from the long-stalled effort to revive a 2015 multilateral nuclear deal abandoned in 2018 by then-President Donald Trump, he pointed to Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi’s recent suggestion that the deal could “lead to other humanitarian actions” during a meeting with media executives attended by Newsweek on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly.

“These discussions are of course very complex, and building trust is a gradual process,” Al Khulaifi said. “The prisoner swap was a step forward in terms of demonstrating goodwill on both sides, but of course there are still lots of challenges to overcome.”

He added that “the recent deal demonstrates that dialogue between the U.S. and Iran is possible—disagreements can be resolved.”

“There is currently a lower risk of escalation, and a more positive atmosphere in relations between the two countries,” Al Khulaifi explained. “In terms of mediating in the future, Qatar has facilitated indirect negotiations between the U.S. and Iran for several years, so we stand ready to play an active role if asked.”

Ending the United States’ Longest War

Qatar’s unique position in the Middle East is also complex.

Led by Emir Tamam bin Hamad Al Thani, the resource-rich monarchy is home to the largest U.S. military installation in the Middle East, the Al Udeid Air Base. Despite being a common U.S. security partner in the region, Saudi Arabia led a four-nation blockade alongside Bahrain, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates against Qatar in 2017, alleging the neighboring country harbored ties with terrorist networks tied to an array of actors, including Iran, the Muslim Brotherhood, Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State militant group (ISIS)—allegations consistently denied by Qatari officials.

The crisis ended in January 2021, as a wave of diplomacy still cresting today began to sweep the region. Even during the embargo, however, Qatar played a crucial role in bringing together rival parties, perhaps most notably the U.S. and the Taliban.

Beginning in July 2018, U.S. officials under the Trump administration began to openly acknowledge meetings with representatives of the Taliban in the Qatari capital of Doha. Negotiations continued for a year and a half until the historic Doha Agreement was signed in February 2020, which set the stage for the U.S. withdrawal from its 20-year war in Afghanistan that ultimately took place under President Joe Biden in August 2021.

Today, the Biden administration continues to work through Qatar to engage with the Taliban, which took over Afghanistan shortly after the collapse of the U.S.-backed government in the wake of the U.S. exit. As Al Khulaifi noted, “the work is not done.”

“Qatar’s focus since the caretaker government took over has been on trying to make sure the humanitarian needs of the Afghan people are met, while ensuring that human rights are upheld, including for women and girls,” Al Khulaifi said. “Currently, dialogue on Afghanistan is needed more than ever.”

“Disengaging with the Taliban is likely to do more harm than good, potentially creating a vacuum in the country and leading to an even larger humanitarian crisis,” he added. “This could have long-term consequences for the region.”

“The ultimate goal,” Al Khulaifi explained, is “a political solution in Afghanistan that guarantees security, stability, and human rights for the Afghan people.” And while he said that “Qatar is not currently considering recognition of the caretaker government,” as no other country in the world has, he explained that Qatar’s “focus is on coordinating global efforts to find a pragmatic route forward.”

Lingering Tensions in the Holy Land

But perhaps the most challenging conflict of all for Qatar to navigate is one that predates its own existence as a sovereign state.

While Qatar was still more than two decades away from independence from United Kingdom rule when the first Arab-Israeli War broke out in 1948 over conflicting territorial claims between Israelis and Palestinians, Qatar, like most Arab countries, has never established diplomatic relations with Israel.

This policy has begun to soften over the course of the past 45 years, with Egypt first making peace with Israel in 1979, followed by Jordan in 1994 and, finally, the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco as part of the U.S.-mediated Abraham Accords in late 2020 and early 2021. But Al Khulaifi said Doha was not ready to budge.

“Some countries may choose to normalize relations with Israel, but for Qatar, we do not see this as a realistic way to resolve the underlying conflict,” Al Khulaifi said. “Any solution must be agreed by the Palestinians and Israelis and based on the Arab Peace Initiative, which calls for a two-state solution with East Jerusalem as the capital of an independent Palestinian state.”

Both Israel and its close ally, the U.S., have pressed for further normalization agreements, especially with Saudi Arabia. But the Kingdom and other Arab powers, including Qatar, have continued to raise concerns about an ongoing uptick in violence in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as well as policies pursued by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his ruling coalition that includes far-right elements.

While Qatar has also played a role in stabilizing occasional explosions of violence between Hamas and Israel, and just last week facilitated the reopening of Gaza Strip crossing points, Al Khulaifi said more was needed to be done to bring about a shift in Qatar’s position on the decades-long feud.

“Without a change in Israeli behavior and a clear peace process,” Al Khulaifi said, “normalization will not support a lasting peace between Palestine and Israel.”

Fact Check: Donald Trump’s Theories About Electric Vehicles

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Donald Trump has long maintained misleading and inaccurate beliefs about the effects of climate change and efforts to halt it, rolling back nearly 100 environmental rules and regulations during his presidency.

The former president has made multiple false claims on the topic, having previously called climate change “a hoax.”

During a recent campaign speech in Iowa, Trump shared more dubious theories and ideas, offering his thoughts on environmentally friendly electric vehicles and what he believed to be their inefficiencies.

The Claim

At a speech in Ottumwa, Iowa, on Sunday, October 1, 2023, Trump claimed that “all-electric” boats had “batteries [that] are so heavy that the boat can’t carry them, they would sink.”

Trump also claimed during the same speech that electric cars can only drive for “a half hour” before they need a “recharge.”

The Facts

It’s not clear whether Trump’s claims here are sincere or glib. If they are the former, there is little evidence to support him.

During the speech, Trump made a number of claims about electric vehicles, suggesting their batteries often dwarfed the vehicles themselves.He then recalled a conversation with a boat manufacturer whom he said had told him about the push toward producing exclusively electric vehicles.

Trump claimed that any vessel with a moderate running time would require a battery that would cover the entire boat.

It is true that electric boats are heavier than their combustion engine counterparts due to the size of the battery, a fact that is recognized within the industry. Swedish electric boat manufacturer Candela said in 2022 that while weight is saved by a reduction in moving parts, electric boats tend to be heavier because of their batteries.

Of course that doesn’t mean the batteries pose a risk to safety or from sinking. Although current technology may limit the length of the journey, there are already sizable commercial vessels available that use an electric-battery engine.

Cardiff University professor Peter Wells, a published expert on electric vehicle technology, told Newsweek that while some deeper sea exploration was beyond the capability of battery-alone seafaring, there were huge electric vessels in operation.

“So, the biggest batteries for ships in use are in Norway, used in ferries,” Wells said. “The Bastø Electric is 139.2-metre-long and 21-metre-wide and was built by the Turkish Sefine Shipyard and has room for 600 passengers and 200 cars or 24 trucks. It is for relatively short trips at present.

“So it is unlikely with current technology that a deep sea vessel could use batteries alone, but many other applications are viable.”

In any case, there isn’t any evidence that the weight of an electric battery could sink or otherwise endanger a seafaring vessel.

Trump’s claim that electric cars can travel only a half-hour before requiring a recharge needs examination, too. According to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, most EV vehicles can travel more than 200 miles on a fully charged battery.

The U.K. government’s Office for Zero Emission Vehicles says that the battery range for EV vehicles is at least 100 miles, with some models able to reach more than 200 miles before recharging. This would put the charging cycle of an average electric car well beyond 30 minutes, as Trump states.

While the former president may be deliberately underestimating the performance capability of electric cars for a joke, his stance on the electric vehicle industry indicates a sincerity behind his attack.

Last month, Trump said on Truth Social that the transition to electrical car manufacturing would shift the automotive industry from the U.S. toward China. “ALL ELECTRIC CARS – THEY WILL ALL BE MADE IN CHINA, and the Auto Industry in America will cease to exist!” Trump wrote.

“There is already a giant ‘E GLUT,’ they don’t go far or long, are very expensive, and the consumer must be given a CHOICE.”

The Ruling

False.

There’s no evidence that all-electric boats require batteries heavy enough to make them sink. Batteries may be heavier than mercury engines, and current technology can limit the type of seafaring all-electric vehicles are capable of.

The notion that electric cars can only drive up to a half-hour on a single charge is misguided. Multiple analyses show that electric cars can handle journeys between 100-200 miles on a single charge, depending on the model. Some newer models are capable of traveling beyond 300 miles on a single charge.

FACT CHECK BY Newsweek’s Fact Check team

False: The claim is demonstrably false. Primary source evidence proves the claim to be false. Read more about our ratings.

This Supreme Court’s ‘Originalism’ Doesn’t Have Much to Do With History

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The U.S. Supreme Court‘s new term is here, offering new opportunities for the justices to remake our constitutional rights in the name of history. In its last two terms alone, the court did just that to eliminate the federal right to abortion, undercut gun control measures, and undermine affirmative action. But whatever the Justices are up to, it isn’t history.

This term, lawyers are asking the court to use history to undermine the federal government’s power to solve national problems. Cases like Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo and Consumer Financial Protection Bureau v. Community Financial Services Association of America could jeopardize the government’s ability to regulate industry, commerce, and more. Meanwhile, in United States v. Rahimi, historical arguments could put guns back in the hands of domestic abusers who committed violence against their families.

These latest gambits might well fail. As a group of leading historians have demonstrated in a brief to the court in Rahimi, for example, history weighs in on the side of disarming violent domestic abusers. But even if their view prevails this time, we can’t overlook a basic problem, obvious to anyone trained in history: This originalist court claims to be doing history, but it just isn’t.

The court has always invoked historical understandings and precedents in its decisions, but its recent calls to history flow from a different source: a longstanding commitment in conservative political and legal circles to “originalism,” the idea that our constitutional rights are defined by—and limited to—whatever the earliest generations of Americans thought the Constitution meant several hundred years ago. So, if it were against the law to go hatless in the late-eighteenth century, hat-wearing would be banned today. Originalism denies the reality that law must change over time as our society changes.

Originalism has been around for several decades. But the threat it posed grew graver in the fall of 2020, when Justice Amy Coney Barrett took the bench and gave the court a 6-3 supermajority of conservative Justices. After that, time-honored rights, laws, and precedents started falling quickly, all on supposedly historical grounds.

But—notwithstanding what the court’s opinions might suggest—history is more than looking at select old things. Historians write about the past, using methods and tools they’ve developed over time to make statements that are reliable. To do their job well, historians must acknowledge the complexity of the past and the importance of context for making sense of things, among many other considerations. The court isn’t following those same standards.

The main story that the originalism wants to tell—and then lock us all into for the rest of time—is the story of the Constitution’s “original meaning.” But historians know that the Constitution, like most texts or historical events, doesn’t have (just) one historical meaning. Debates over its meaning raged during its framing and its ratification. They were widespread through the struggles after the Civil War over the Reconstruction Amendments, amendments that continue to play an important role in American life. And they are still happening to this day because the Constitution is complex.

This relates to another feature of the historical problem with originalism. Originalism’s supporters claim that it’s “objective,” and that it thus prevents judges from injecting their personal views into the law by anchoring the law’s meaning in the past. But historians know that there’s no such thing as a fully “objective” or definitive account of the past. Interpretations of historical events change over time, as new evidence appears, or new perspectives cast light into different corners of the past.

The problems run deeper. The court’s originalist opinions strip away all the context necessary to make sense of the past. All historians know that context is key to understanding any historical source, including the Constitution. The court’s originalist opinions, however, lack that key background. They offer the public hyper-focused discussions of individual words and historical dictionaries alongside lists of citations to old statutes and cases that seem arbitrarily chosen (or arbitrarily rejected). Facts that are key to understanding what was going on at the time are omitted. Can one really interpret the Second Amendment without acknowledging that the vast difference in lethality between contemporary assault rifles and the “arms” borne by Americans in the late-18th century—commonly muskets and flintlock pistols that could only fire one round at a time and with little accuracy? This isn’t history. It’s just a collection of old things.

Crucially, rejecting the court’s abuses of history doesn’t mean ejecting history from our attempts to make sense of the Constitution.

History can help us all—lawyers, judges, scholars, and everyday people—expose blind spots in old ways of thinking about the Constitution and point to new ones. It can shed light on the values and beliefs that have shaped our politics and law in the nation’s earliest years and show how later generations have met them, exceeded them, failed them, and changed them. It can present the stories of people who were excluded from constitutional decision-making in the past and challenge us to reconsider our constitutional commitments with their perspectives and interests in mind. Remember—history reminds us—women did not have the right to vote at the time the 14th Amendment was ratified. And that’s just for starters.

History can help the law move forward. Whatever the court’s doing in fixating on the past, it’s not doing that.

Alexander Keyssar is the Matthew W. Stirling Jr. Professor of History and Social Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School. He is an historian and the author most recently of Why Do We Still Have the Electoral College? (Harvard University Press, 2020).

Thomas Wolf is deputy director in the Democracy Program at the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU Law.

The views expressed in this article are the writers’ own.

Honda made its new, electric Prologue look, act like it has a gas engine

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People don’t like change. They resist it, they fight it, they eventually relinquish, and everything usually turns out fine. Honda knows that customers sometimes need to be eased into change.

The 2024 Honda Prologue is the poster child for transitioning into the full electric vehicle (EV) lifestyle. Honda has made it as easy and painless as possible. It looks like a traditional SUV, inside and out, if still a futuristic one.

They also wanted it to feel and sound like a Honda. The development team included engineers from Japan and Ohio, as well as the styling team at the Honda design studio in Los Angeles. The collaboration began remotely during the pandemic, but it became a hands-on, in-person project where they aimed at creating an electrified vehicle that delivers Honda’s fun to drive dynamics.

“As the launch product into the growing world of EVs, the Prologue’s importance for Honda and its electrification efforts cannot be overstated. Initial impressions are very positive, and while not groundbreaking, the specs we know so far are on par with the segment and expected price point,” Paul Waatti, manager, industry analysis at AutoPacific told Newsweek.

“Despite its co-development with General Motors and similarities to the Chevrolet Blazer EV, Honda adeptly designed Prologue as a Honda through and through, and it’s arguably a better execution overall . Honda could have gone with a wildly futuristic persona like many EVs have taken on; instead, Prologue segues current Honda designs with a cleaner, more modern interpretation of the brand’s EV era — a gentle way to ease its typically more conservative buyer base into new technology.”

Those specs include a 300-mile range in its most efficient front-wheel drive setup. The 2024 Honda Prologue also offers all-wheel drive with two motors making a total of 288 horsepower (hp) and 333 pound-feet (lb-ft) of torque.

The Honda Prologue is about 8 inches longer and 5 inches wider than the company’s popular CR-V. That makes it a little bigger than the Honda Passport and a little smaller than the Pilot. The Prologue only has two rows of seats, leaving lots of cargo space in the rear.

“We kept our styling simple, which is part of the Honda DNA and we also provide a very open and spacious architecture that is very easy to get in and out. You don’t have to learn the car you don’t have to learn the interior. It’s there it will adopt you and support you,” Jon Wong, Prologue development leader said at a press conference.

“Every touchpoint and what you see feels like a Honda. Sound is so important to the driving experience of a Honda, especially an all-electric Honda, that we created a sound file to share with audio suppliers and worked closely with them to create a seamless acceleration feel and in sport mode. The sound we came up with isn’t just unique. It’s distinctly Honda.”

The cabin will also look familiar to Honda buyers. It features a simple, horizontal layout with the main 11.3-inch touchscreen with wireless Apple CarPlay and Android Auto at the center. An 11-inch digital cluster is also standard. It has Google Built-in architecture meaning Maps and Assistant and the Play story are all there.

Google Maps can be displayed on either screen and recommends charging based on travel time. It can even estimate the charging time required to reach the destination and initiate preconditioning, which speeds up charging. Honda says the Prologue’s 85-kWh lithium-ion battery pack can recharge 65 miles of range in about 10 minutes.

Honda handles the biggest pain point of EV ownership with three charging solutions that can be purchased with the vehicle. The Honda Home Electrification options include a home charging station where Honda helps you find a pre-vetted local installer and gives the buyer a $500 installation credit along with a $100 public charging credit.

Buyers can specify a portable charging kit that comes with a $300 public charging credit and $250 for electrical installation. If those don’t work or the buyer doesn’t have a place to plug in Honda will give them $750 in public charging.

“Honda wants to make the transition to EV more accessible by offering three charging solution choices to fit buyers’ needs. Aside from the high price tags of most EVs on the market, AutoPacific’s data show charging concerns — at home or on public networks — as the second largest barrier holding consumers back from buying an EV,” said Waatti.

The Rivian R1T is now the longest-range electric pickup truck you can buy

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Rivian is now the proud purveyor of the longest-range electric pickup truck with the Rivian R1T with Max Pack that can go 410 miles on a single charge. It beats the Ford F-150 Lightning Extended-Range by 90 miles and almost every other EV save the Tesla Model S Long Range (405 miles) and the Lucid Air Grand Touring XR that covers 516 miles between recharges.

It should hold that truck title at least until the Chevrolet Silverado EV debuts. The GM pickup is estimated to have a driving range of 450 miles with a 200-kilowatt-hour (kWh) battery capacity. The Rivian Max Pack is now just 149-kWh (down from the originally planned 180-kWh), hitting that range estimate with redesigned batteries a new management system that increases usable energy.

While deliveries of the R1T with the Max Pack battery option are happening now, the Normal, Illinois-based company is now allowing customers to configure its R1S SUV with the Max battery. The company says that dual-motor, all-wheel drive combination will net drivers 400 miles on a charge with the same battery pack as the truck.

The new dual-motor powertrain, which was tested earlier this year at the Rivian plant in Normal, is built in-house by the company. The setup delivers a total of 533 horsepower (hp) and 610 pound-feet (lb-ft) of torque. The Dual-Motor Performance model increases that to 665 hp and 829 lb-ft.

“The dual-motor arrangement is significant as Rivian expects it will help reduce production costs and complexity, compared with the quad-motor setup. Bringing production of the dual-motor in-house also gives Rivian a bit more control over its own destiny, in terms of having sufficient supply,” Stephanie Brinley, associate director of research and analysis at S&P Global told Newsweek.

Rivian, since it began production in the third quarter of 2021 has made about 49,000 electric trucks and SUVs and delivered about 42,000 as of July. In this year up to July it produced over 23,000 electric vehicles and delivered more than 20,000. Those numbers are more than three times higher than a year ago.

The least expensive way to get a Rivian R1T with the Max Pack is the standard Dual-Motor all-wheel drive (AWD) setup starting at $89,000. The Dual-Motor Performance Max Pack starts at $94,000 before any state or federal tax credits. The R1S SUV is a little more expensive but with the same powertrain options. The prices are $94,000 and $99,000 respectively.

The R1T is smaller than full-size trucks like the electric Ford F-150 Lightning, the least expensive of which is the Pro model starting at $49,995, and forthcoming Chevrolet Silverado EV (est. at $52,000) and GMC Sierra EV. For some buyers that will be a feature, others a detriment.

“Offering, essentially, small, medium and large battery packs can help consumers find the spot that fits best with their needs, not unlike in a traditional ICE vehicle when a buyer chooses between four-, six- and eight-cylinder engines. More range and power costs more money,” said Brinley.

Building a Resilient Future: Navigating the Energy Transition with Stronger

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Did you know that as of 2022, only 13% of the total energy supply is powered by renewables?

As an environmental engineer who services the utilities industry, I have dedicated my career to improving the integrity of our energy infrastructure while cleaner energy sources continue to grow and meet our energy needs. Though I stand at the forefront of a monumental industry shift in this landscape, I am driven to question and find solutions to how we can ensure that our nation’s infrastructure stands robust and steadfast as we journey towards a greener future. The path ahead is not without its challenges, but the mission to provide reliable energy with massive emission reductions is paramount. There will still be some emissions but, hopefully, we can successfully adjust and rebuild our infrastructure to better harness and reuse fuels that would have otherwise been emitted into the atmosphere.

As an immigrant from Iran, I have a unique perspective on how other parts of the world live with regular brown-outs, limited energy access, and, as part of a normal existence, operate in the most environmentally wasteful and harmful ways. We, as Americans, do not have this kind of tolerance, yet do have ample financial resources, access and the ability to innovate new technologies and approaches that lead by example.

Over the last decade, the United States has witnessed an impressive increase in the adoption of renewable energy sources. Wind, solar, hydroelectric, and geothermal power have carved a significant niche in our energy mix. Though this is a giant leap forward and a testament to the collective desire to reduce emissions, increase efficiencies, and decarbonize energy to mitigate climate change, it is not (yet) enough.

While green energy innovation and building flourish, it’s crucial to remember that a substantial portion of our energy still hinges on an old and aging infrastructure. The growth of fossil fuel energy generation is slowing with renewable outpacing it, but coal, oil and natural gas will still be providing up to 77% of our energy needs until 2040.

With all the innovation, regulations, mandates, promises and financial commitments that are building a green infrastructure, we must confront a stark reality: the importance of maintaining and continuing to decarbonize our existing infrastructure is greater now than ever before.

Americans are rightly passionate about transitioning to cleaner energy sources, but this energy source needs to also be provided in an affordable and efficient manner. Even as we strive for renewables, our reliance on existing systems necessitates a dual approach — one that embraces green technology while shoring up the foundation that sustains us.

As leaders of businesses and organizations, we need to create ways to combine profitability with sustainability. Here are three suggestions:

• Every corporation must adjust its overall approach to catch up and establish its own environmental, sustainability and governance (ESG) commitments and mandates because if they don’t, there will likely come a time that their clients, customers, and/or consumers will go with other providers who do have such measures.

• Revamp business strategies from a new purview to make sustainability a revenue enabler as opposed to a cost center.

• Establish your sustainability strategies in such a way that is measurable and repeatable by various departments.

To address these challenges, we must embark on a multifaceted journey. First and foremost, investment in modernizing our energy grid is imperative. The current grid is complex, interconnected, and at times, outdated. It requires continuous improvement along with cutting-edge technologies that can balance the intermittent nature of renewable energy sources and ensure seamless distribution nationwide.

Our focus must extend below and above the surface. Our subterranean infrastructure — pipelines, cables, conduits, and overhead wires that crisscross the nation — transports energy and resources to power homes and businesses. A robust program of maintenance, repair, and modernization is essential. This includes not only addressing current vulnerabilities but also anticipating the demands of emerging technologies.

Let us remember that the journey towards renewables is not solely about adopting new energy sources — it’s about a complete metamorphosis of our energy ecosystem. The spotlight may be on wind farms and solar arrays, but the heart of our energy lies beneath the surface and within our grids, cables, and pipelines. It’s a heart that must be strong enough to endure, beating resiliently as we transition towards a cleaner future.

Bolstering our infrastructure empowers our nation to embrace renewables without compromising reliability. A stronger foundation ensures that, as renewables scale up, our transition remains smooth and steadfast. In this endeavor, partnerships between the general public, government, institutions, and private sectors will be pivotal. Government incentives, tax breaks, and collaborative research initiatives can fuel the progress needed to meet this critical juncture.

As we navigate this transformation, history offers invaluable insights into what worked and what didn’t during previous transitions. The transition from coal to oil, kerosene and eventually electricity, for instance, involved years of gradual adaptation that preserved energy access and minimized societal disruption. Today, we have the unique advantage of learning from these historical precedents, enabling us to chart a course that prioritizes continuity and sustainability and execute at a much faster pace.

The Newsweek Expert Forum is an invitation-only network of influential leaders, experts, executives, and entrepreneurs who share their insights with our audience.What’s this?Content labeled as the Expert Forum is produced and managed by Newsweek Expert Forum, a fee based, invitation only membership community. The opinions expressed in this content do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Newsweek or the Newsweek Expert Forum.

Maximizing Efficiency: The Pros and Cons of Divestment and Employer of Reco

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In a rapidly changing market where competition is at a fever pitch, businesses seek game-changing ideas that can give them an edge. One such insight is the powerful mix of divestment and Employer of Record (EOR) services for global companies.

This piece will explore how these two strategies work together, highlighting their strengths and discussing potential challenges. Discover how the combination of divestment and EOR services can elevate businesses, enabling them to adapt and thrive.

Understanding Divestment

Divestiture, or divestment, is when a company sells off its assets, subsidiaries, or business units. Different types of divestments include:

• Spin-Offs: The company sells a part to make a new separate company. People who own the main company’s shares get shares in the new one.

• Sell-Offs: The primary company trades a business part with another company that wants it.

• Split-Ups: Like a spin-off, they make a new company. Shareholders can keep their shares in the leading company or move them to the new one.

• Carve-Out: The principal company sells some parts through an IPO. This makes new owners, but the main company still keeps some ownership.

• Liquidation: After a company goes bankrupt, it sells its parts in pieces.

Benefits of Divestment

• Cash Generation: Divestment can quickly provide a business with substantial cash by selling off assets or business units.

• Focus on Core Competencies: It allows a business to concentrate on its core strengths and strategic areas, improving overall efficiency.

• Reduced Risk: A company can reduce its risk and potential losses by shedding underperforming assets.

• Flexibility and Agility: A leaner business structure resulting from divestment can make the company more adaptable to changing market conditions.

• Debt Reduction: Divestment proceeds can pay off debts, improving the company’s financial health and creditworthiness.

• Attractiveness to Investors: A streamlined business portfolio can make the company more attractive to potential investors.

What Is an Employer of Record?

An Employer of Record (EOR) supports companies in expanding globally by allowing them to employ foreign workers within a country without needing to establish a legal entity. In practice, the EOR acts as the official employer for a company’s international workforce. An EOR manages visas, work permits, and tax processes related to immigration, as well as many other non-immigration-related services.

Divestment and EOR Services: A Unique Synergy

At first glance, a corporate divestment and an EOR appear unrelated, but there’s a point of overlap where a company can experience benefits from both.

The collaboration develops when divesting subsidiaries or business units involves foreign employees. EORs become invaluable as they can seamlessly manage these employees, ensuring compliance, proper payroll, legal documentation, and tax matters, even after divestment.

This allows businesses to offload non-core assets while ensuring continued efficient and compliant management of its workforce. Divestment optimizes the business structure, while EOR services optimize the international workforce, collectively contributing to a successful global expansion strategy.

Key Strategic Advantages

Let’s look at the key strategic advantages of divestiture and EORs.

•Adaptability

Business strategies and directions can change. By divesting non-core entities and having the flexibility that an EOR provides, businesses can adapt more quickly to changing market conditions, strategies, or business models.

• Cost Efficiency

Maintaining multiple entities means duplicated administrative functions, higher overhead costs, and increased compliance and legal fees. By divesting certain entities and using an EOR’s services, companies can have a centralized administration, leading to significant cost savings.

• Enhanced Employee Experience

With the administrative burden shifted to the EOR, businesses can focus on improving the employee experience, fostering a positive work environment, and boosting employee retention rates.

• Ease of Exit

Closing a legal entity can be complicated and expensive if a company decides to exit a particular market. With an EOR, this process is simple. Since the EOR is the legal employer, businesses can scale down or exit a market with fewer complications.

Challenges to Avoid

While partnering with an EOR can provide benefits for a company during a divesture, there are risks to be aware of. For example, not all EORs are the same. It’s crucial to understand if the Employer of Record meets the company-specific requirements.

Another factor to consider is letting a third party take control of an organization’s HR and day-to-day employee relations. Management can feel disconnected from their employees as a result of a lack of interaction.

Finally, the overall cost of partnering with an EOR may be disproportionate to the services a company requires during divesture. Again, companies need to do their homework in regard to what each EOR provides and charges.

By thoroughly researching these factors, companies can avoid common issues that can arise from partnering with an unsuitable EOR.

Gain a Competitive Edge

The usual business practices fall short in today’s market. Combining divestment and EOR services is one way to shake things up in your pursuit of success. It’s not just a trend — it’s a way for businesses to change and grow. While companies face challenges in the global market, using divestment to focus and EOR services to work smoothly can make an impactful difference.

The Newsweek Expert Forum is an invitation-only network of influential leaders, experts, executives, and entrepreneurs who share their insights with our audience.What’s this?Content labeled as the Expert Forum is produced and managed by Newsweek Expert Forum, a fee based, invitation only membership community. The opinions expressed in this content do not necessarily reflect the opinion of Newsweek or the Newsweek Expert Forum.

College Kids Are Abandoning American Values. It’s Destroying Our Democracy

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The (college) kids are not alright.

A new poll from the Buckley Institute surveyed students at four-year colleges—and the results are deeply alarming. Young Americans are turning their backs on basic American principles of free speech, tolerance, and due process, in a way that’s so drastic it genuinely endangers the future of our political order. And this disintegration is only accelerating.

The Buckley Institute has conducted this poll for nine years, yet this year, for ths first time ever, more students support shouting down speakers they disagree with than oppose this kind of mob censorship. In another first, a whopping 51 percent of students support speech codes, a drastic shift from last year, when a plurality opposed speech codes.

What’s more, 46 percent of students now believe that “offensive” opinions should get other students reported to the university administration. Oh, and more than 50 percent of students literally believe certain topics should be “banned” from being debated on campus.

There’s also an alarming violent twist to the censoriousness rising among Gen Z college students. A whopping 45 percent of students told pollsters it is justified to use physical violence to prevent people from expressing “hate speech” or making “racially charged comments.” This radical, un-American idea is only becoming more popular: Back in 2017, for example, only 30 percent of students supported this same proposition.

See the pattern yet?

Many young college students don’t respect the basic American ethos that reigned supreme for so long of “I may disagree with what you say, but I’ll defend to the death your right to say it.” And rather than addressing this problem, we’re seeing it continue to get worse and worse.

This isn’t sustainable. For a long time, defenders and apologists of campus illiberalism argued that it’s just happening on college campuses and that Berkley and Harvard have always been niche hotbeds of crazy. They’ll grow out of it, basically. But we’ve actually seen the opposite phenomenon play out in recent years. College graduates are taking their illiberal attitudes toward speech and debate with them into the work force and perpetuating them at the highest levels of media, corporate America, and government.

That’s why we see low-level Spotify employees revolting against—and trying to silence—one of the app’s most popular podcasters, Joe Rogan, for daring to talk to people with “dangerous” ideas. It’s why we see Netflix employees complaining about airing “controversial” comedian Dave Chappelle’s special, despite his tremendous popularity. It’s why we see young members of Congress calling ideas they disagree with “policy violence.” And it’s why we see Big Tech companies increasingly acting with total disregard for open debate and due process alike. The college graduates that staff up these institutions have taken the corrosive campus ideology with them into their next stage of life.

It turns out we’re not just talking about dumb, “woke” college kids anymore. We’re talking about a sickness originating on campuses and infecting our entire society. That sickness is illiberalism, “intolerance” in the truest sense: The unwillingness to even coexist with beliefs and ideas that deeply contradict your own.

The rise of that unwillingness is a ticking time bomb that threatens to destroy our political order. America isn’t like Sweden or Norway. We’re not a small country of largely homogeneous people. We are and always have been a big, sprawling, ugly, beautiful melting pot of people from starkly different backgrounds with starkly different values. This only works if we tolerate each other’s differences, no matter how distasteful we find them.

If majorities start to view violence as an acceptable response to beliefs that offends them, that puts a country as divided and diverse as the United States on an inevitable path to civil war. If we want future generations to inherit the America we cherish, we must arrest the rise of this dangerous ideology before it’s too late.

We start at the root of the problem. Civics education is failing in America, with only 22 percent of eighth graders proficient in civics—and it’s getting worse. We need to improve and re-emphasize civics education and teach young people why past generations fought so hard for the things they increasingly take for granted or even revile, like the First Amendment.

And we must reorient our higher education system so that it is actively promoting free speech and open debate, not indoctrinating students against these basic American values. State legislatures can and should defund public colleges and universities that do not respect their students rights and fire and replace administrators who do not promote these values.

It’s no small task. But it’s one we have to embark on. Not to save our college campuses from the excesses of “wokeness” but to preserve our liberal democracy for generations to come.

Brad Polumbo (@Brad_Polumbo) is an independent journalist and co-founder of BASEDPolitics.

The views expressed in this article are the writer’s own.

Democracy, Democrats, and Young People Will Save This Country

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If Americans based all of their political anxieties and opinions on current headlines, we very well might conclude that President Joe Biden and the Democratic Party are doomed in 2024. A week ago, The Washington Post and ABC released a poll—which those outlets themselves quietly admitted was an outlier—that led with how concerned voters are about Biden’s handling of the economy, immigration, as well as his age. Other pundits are calling on President Biden to drop out of the 2024 race because of his “low approval numbers” and that he is destined to lose, they say.

But none of this is surprising, correct, or new.

One doesn’t have to look far back to see how history is repeating itself. Take, for instance, the 2020 election. Newsrooms across the nation suggested that then-candidate Biden would never clinch the Democratic nomination—until he did. Then, pundits and the media doubted President Biden’s ability to win against Donald Trump—until he did. After winning the 2020 election, the media questioned Biden’s ability to work across the aisle and pass legislation. In reality, Biden has accomplished more than any modern president, even with a divided government. And, of course, in 2022, headlines predicted there would be a massive “Red wave.” Yet Democrats gained seats in the Senate and lost only a handful of seats in the House—defying six decades of precedent.

Given the massive disconnect between what the pundits and polls predict and what happens, Democrats have no reason to be discouraged this time around. There are two trends, in particular, that should give Democrats more hope and frighten Republicans this time around compared to 2022: The consistent overperformance of expectations by Democrats in local elections and the increased the vigor and passion from young voters.

For decades, Republicans have invested in and targeted local and state elections. And it has largely paid off by slowly tipping the balance of school boards, municipalities, and state legislatures. That’s why Republicans have been so successful in gradually overturning fundamental rights through state supreme courts and passing anti-democratic bills at the local level in recent years.

However, the bottom-up approach that Republicans spent decades solidifying is crumbling at breakneck speed. No matter how much the polls may suggest a bleak political future for Democrats, what matters above all else is what is happening on the ground in 2023 alone.

This year, there have been 31 special elections to date. On the surface, each election result may not lead anyone to raise eyebrows or question its significance. After all, turnout was often not astronomical and national outlets have not focused much on them. But examining all 31 special elections together, and in the context of history, paints a much different—and promising—picture for Democrats: There was an overperformance of expectations among Democrats by an average of 11 points in 25 out of 31 races, according to a new ABC analysis of special elections in 2023. Lest one thinks these special elections are all in traditionally blue states like California or New York, they are not; many are in competitive states that could determine the outcome of the 2024 election.

Consider the hotly contested Wisconsin Supreme Court election that took place in April 2023. In this case, Democrats flipped the court for the first time in more than 15 years. A few weeks ago, a Democrat won a special election in Pennsylvania, tipping the balance of power in the State House away from Republicans. In New Hampshire, a Democratic candidate flipped a county Trump won in 2016 and 2020 by more than 12 points, bringing the Democratic caucus one vote closer to breaking even with Republicans in the state house.

Contrary to what many headlines read, these results spell doom for the very survival of the Republican Party in 2024. But of even greater concern for the GOP is young people. Whereas Republicans may have once held onto power at the state and local levels by relying on majority white and older voters who consistently vote in elections, Generation Z is the most diverse generation and poses the biggest threat to their staying in power. By 2024, we will account for the largest voting demographic of any age cohort.

Young people have never been more dangerous for Republicans than they are now. A new analysis by Politico crystallizes the intensifying shift toward Democrats by analyzing how “college towns are decimating the GOP.” From 2000 to 2020, out of America’s 171 college towns, more than 65 percent shifted increasingly Democratic. In one instance, the area surrounding the University of Colorado at Boulder saw the Democratic vote share grow by nearly 170,000, compared to only 21,000 for Republicans, in only 20 years.

What’s more: The shift leftward among young people is not just in Democratic strongholds, but also happening in historically Republican states. Consider Tennessee: after far-right state legislators expelled state representatives Justin Jones and Justin Pearson over gun violence, young people across the state took to the streets and protested Republicans for doing nothing to address our concerns. Like Tennessee, young people in North Carolina went to the Republican-controlled state legislature and demanded they finally act on gun violence. And in states like Arizona, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania, young people have already proved their overwhelming rejection of the Republican Party by voting more Democratic than ever before in the 2022 midterm elections.

As one 17-year-old from North Carolina recently testified to a local school board, young people are sick and tired of Republicans’ attacks on young people. A movement of young people who otherwise would never participate in politics are paying attention. They are making their voices heard in the streets. Most importantly, they are registering to vote, voting, and even running for office across the country. And every sign indicates that our generation’s power will continue to grow.

This does not absolve Biden or the Democratic Party from putting in the work ahead of 2024 and continuing to deliver for and meet young people where they are. That must continue. But if there’s anything clear, it’s that, as much as the media and headlines want to focus on polls and surveys, what real voters are saying and doing on the ground paints a far different reality. And it’s a reality that should give Biden, the Democratic Party, and anyone who cares about the future of our democracy hope and optimism.

Victor Shi is a senior at UCLA, co-host of the iGen Politics Podcast, and strategy director for Voters of Tomorrow. Previously, Shi was elected the youngest delegate for Joe Biden and has worked on presidential, state, and local campaigns. Follow him on Twitter @Victorshi2020.

The views expressed in this article are the writer’s own.